It
really boggles one’s mind the degree to which Ndigbo appear to be excessively
reveling in complacency over President Goodluck Jonathan’s so-called favourable
disposition to Igbo interest as relates to his 2015 Presidential ambition. As
it were, it is though understandable that this Igbo complacency about President
Jonathan’s administration is drawn from some empirical facts.
For one, analysts
believe that until the ascendancy of President Jonathan, no one of the past
administrations in Nigeria – be it the military or its civilian counterpart –
ever made conscious efforts towards genuinely initiating the process of the
de-marginalization of Ndigbo – a people erroneously and hitherto perceived to
be the “real enemies” of
the corporate entity called Nigeria by a section of fellow compatriots who are
wont to think that they are more Nigerian than others. And the reason for this
line of thought is not unconnected with the fact that the Igbo were the first
to rise up to say no in practical and clear terms to the mindless, senseless
and idiotic killings of their kiths and kin in the old Northern region, in the
1960s. As painful as the thought of this orgy remains, it is clearly a bygone
however. And so that Dr Goodluck Jonathan appears to be the first and the only
Nigerian President to genuinely show more than a passing interest in the
question of Igbo de-marginalization in the scheme of things in Nigeria,
apparently leaves no one in doubt about the rationale behind the enormous
goodwill and rapport he is enjoying among the Igbo.
No
doubt, a cursory look at the level of improvement which the Igbo seem to
experience – as opposed to the status quo ante – in terms of their involvement
in the running of the affairs of the Federal government is not unlikely to make
some gullible minds to fall to the illusion that this seemingly remarkable
trend as it were, has ultimately ushered in the full de-marginalization and
reintegration of the Igbo into the mainstream of governance and government at
the centre. But this is not certainly the true picture of the Igbo situation in
Nigeria today. Truth be told, the Igbo are yet to be fully involved, absorbed
or re-absorbed into the diverse network of Federal government business. To be
precise, it is axiomatic that up till today compatriots from certain sections
of Nigeria still maintain hegemonic control of government business in almost
all facets of our national life. But then, let us leave this issue here for
now.
Meanwhile,
one wonders if it will be a misplaced assertion to submit that the same
government of President Jonathan (irrespective of the thinking of the
South-East elite club) has no known place or visible space for the Igbo youths
in his national agenda for Nigerian youths. Lest we mix everything up, this
piece is not concerned with the much talked about but less felt SURE-P
youth empowerment programme of this government or its politically motivated new
found love affairs with Nollywood and/or Hollywood where of course we have no
illusions about the commendable survival efforts of the preponderance of Igbo
youths in the industry. By the same token, the focus is not on the few
individual Igbo youths Mr. President has appointed in few positions of
influence in order to use them or their appointments in due course to advance
the cause of his 2015 Presidential project. Rather, the main focus here borders
on the fate of that section of Igbo youths/wards who do not receive any form of
government support in their daily struggle to survive and who are hardly
allowed to come close their elite class by the angry looking security details
of the latter. Of specific concern here is the question of the real Igbo side
of a related national space such as the President has created for the youths
and/or wards of the Niger-Delta region via the amnesty programme. However,
while of course the attempt here is not to de-emphasize or down play the
peculiar exigencies that interacted to give birth to the amnesty programme for
the Niger-Delta wards, but talking about the kind of special national space the
President has created for the North or, better still, the Hausa-Fulani folks
through the Almajiri education programme reinforces the bone of contention
here. Understandably, it is commendable that the Northern wards are immensely
benefiting from the Almajiri education programme. Ditto to the Yoruba who
equally derive a good deal of benefits from this same programme. Yet the big
question remains: whither the Igbo share of this mileage?
But
lest err, let no one be deceived that the so-called Girl-child education
programme purportedly put in place in the South-East as Almajiri education
equivalent is anything to write home about. The fact of the matter is that,
this so-called Girl-child education thing purportedly existing in the
South-East is not only ill-conceived but also it appears to negate the real
needs of the people of South-East, which accounts for its total failure so far.
Little wonder the programme is perceived in certain quarters as solely designed
to be used to show President Jonathan’s stage-managed/feigned appreciation of
the imperative of ensuring national spread and balancing in the pursuit of the
entire exercise. Somehow, this might not be unconnected with the truth.
Otherwise, it baffles why the federal government always takes great delight in
enthusing about the achievements of the Almajiri education system in the North
and elsewhere while it says little or, more often, nothing about its Girl-child
education counterpart in the South-East. Incidentally, apart from Ebonyi state
where the FG might be inclined to point at the possible presence of Girl-child
education infrastructure, one is totally at lost at the knowledge of the
presence of same anywhere else in the South-East geo-political zone. Again, this
explains why some persons have argued that the Girl-child education project is
a white elephant project meant to placate potential critics – especially those
of South-East origin – who might be impelled to raise issues concerning the
discriminatory or lopsided nature of the Almajiri education programme as tilted
solely in favour of the Muslim faithful. As seemingly untenable as this
argument may appear, it is curious that no Igbo leader or group has thus far
deemed it necessary to question the level of implementation of this Girl-child
education programme in the South-East states. Worst still, not even the
Governors of these states under whose watch the programme is meant to be
smoothly implemented are least interested in telling us how they have failed in
this regard. For some of them though, it appears there is no need for this
Girl-child education project in the very first place. The reason being that the
handing over of schools to churches and the unrelenting efforts of the
state governments concerned in providing these schools with financial and moral
support fundamentally obviates the need for such a separate scheme like the
Girl-child education. In the circumstance therefore,one still wonders if it
cannot be safely submitted that the Girl-child education in the
South-East only serves as a conduit pipe through which the Federal
government enriches Igbo politicians and their ilk.
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